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It occurs when states generally develop ententes or limited security understandings with one another to balance a potentially threatening state or a rising power. Soft balancing is often based on a limited arms build-up, ad hoc cooperative exercises, or collaboration in regional or international institutions; these policies may be converted to open, hard-balancing strategies if and when security competition becomes intense and the powerful state becomes threatening.

China recognizes and accepts the reality of the United States as a world power. After all, the United States is compelled to be moderate, especially concerning the Taiwan issue and the Chinese policy of expansion in Africa, because it has become financially greatly dependent on China. The world is in any case already no longer unipolar: new powers emerge, and new regional groupings contest American power. Some Chinese experts have begun to contest the role of the United States in the affairs of East Asia. However, China does not officially seek to evict American power and take its turn in acting as the leader of Asia.

In building this East Asian community, it remains to be decided who will take part Australia, India, the United States, and so on and who will lead it. At present neither Japan nor China can take a position on this, because the tensions between the two countries are still too heated and the ensuing competition would be too hazardous. In addition, China is aware that if the tilt of its regional diplomacy manages to reassure the international community, it is laying the foundations for its future international policy. It has everything to gain by staying calm and projecting the image of a responsible regional great power.

Its participation in regional institutions and agreements enable it to be less defensive, and to gain confidence and experience. For Chinese policy is characterized more by its global than by its regional focus. Indeed the Chinese are becoming increasingly aware of their global interests, especially their global economic interests.

In addition, European and American firms are key investors in China. Thus, even if the Chinese regime has reexamined its role as a regional power and reassessed its ties with East Asia since the mids, it has been opportunistic in its decision to open complementary channels and even to outbid Japan in bilateral and regional initiatives, and to do this without deviating from its global trajectory.

The peaceful rise of China currently allows it to approach more closely than ever the goal set by reformers at the end of the Qing Dynasty: the return to a prosperous and powerful fuqiang China. This nourishes a kind of vindictive nationalism and a sense of dignity that are found in the Chinese population. So China has sought to cultivate its soft power, a concept introduced by Joseph Nye to describe the power of attraction and persuasion, as opposed to hard power, the power of coercion.

The United States has served as a model for China in this field. The United States has indeed managed to spread its values and its culture across the world, and to establish a unique educational, scientific and technological system. There are now more than of them, scattered over a hundred different countries including fifteen already opened in France.

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Moreover, particularly since the celebrations organized for the thirtieth anniversary of the Policy of Reform and Openness, China has been making headway with the idea of a new model of development, arising out of its own experience. For example, an endless stream of publications focus on the Chinese model zhongguo moshi. In contrast to the universalistic claims of American liberalism, China emphasizes its unique culture, and points out that its contribution to world order is limited to its own peaceful development.

Recent talk about the Chinese model has slightly altered this approach, with some Chinese scholars arguing that Chinese development is worthy of emulation and could well have its day serving as a standard in other parts of the world. Some analysts suggest that the Chinese regime and its ideas are more attractive regionally. Without altogether resuming the now dated debate about Asian values, there are many who say that the countries of East Asia do share certain values. These countries pay more heed to national sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention, and are more inclined to hierarchies and bandwagoning.

The current crisis opens the door to alternatives to the Washington Consensus that can be briefly defined as liberalization, privatization and deregulation. And while Arif Dirlik rejects the idea that Chinese development can really serve as a model, given that it contains many inconsistencies and pitfalls, he does recognize that:In the PRC , the search for autonomy and self-determination has taken… a multilateralist approach to global relationships which contrasts sharply with the increasingly unilateralist direction US policy has taken over the last two decades.

The most important aspect of the Beijing Consensus may be an approach to global relationships that seeks, in multinational relationships, a new global order founded on economic relationships, but which also recognizes political and cultural difference as well as differences in regional and national practices within a common global framework…. A century of revolutionary socialist search for autonomy, bolstered by recent economic success, qualifies the PRC eminently to provide leadership in the formation of an alternative global order.

These considerations suggest that for China the barriers to the construction of an Asian community are not insurmountable. The Chinese model would not appear to be incompatible with the ASEAN way, which is not really defined by general principles or ideals, but by a method of negotiation and conflict resolution that governs relations among Asian countries. Yet, much like other developing nations, the Chinese state now finds itself entrenched in a status quo characterized by free trade and American domination.


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Through a cutting-edge historical, sociological, and political analysis, Ho-fung Hung exposes the competing interests and economic realities that temper the dream of Chinese supremacy—forces that are stymieing growth throughout the global South. His work reveals how much China depends on the existing order and how the interests of the Chinese elites maintain these ties.

Through its perpetuation of the dollar standard and its addiction to U. Treasury bonds, China remains bound to the terms of its own prosperity, and its economic practices of exploiting debt bubbles are destined to fail.

Modern Chinese literature

Meyer Thanks to Salem sea captains, Gilded Age millionaires, curators on horseback, and missionaries gone native, North American museums now possess the greatest collections of Chinese art outside of East Asia itself. How did it happen? The principal gatherers are mostly little known and defy invention. They included "foreign devils" who braved desert sandstorms, bandits, and local warlords in acquiring significant works.

Adventurous curators like Langdon Warner, a forebear of Indiana Jones, argued that the caves of Dunhuang were already threatened by vandals, thereby justifying the removal of frescoes and sculptures. The Chinese were divided between dealers who profited from the artworks' removal, and scholars who sought to protect their country's patrimony. Duanfang, the greatest Chinese collector of his era, was beheaded in a coup and his splendid bronzes now adorn major museums. Others in this rich tapestry include Charles Lang Freer, an enlightened Detroit entrepreneur, two generations of Rockefellers, and Avery Brundage, the imperious Olympian, and Arthur Sackler, the grand acquisitor.

Shareen Blair Brysac and Karl E. Meyer even-handedly consider whether ancient treasures were looted or salvaged, and whether it was morally acceptable to spirit hitherto inaccessible objects westward, where they could be studied and preserved by trained museum personnel.

Hart, "Beyond Science and Civilization

And how should the U. Holstein, Editor on behalf of The Overseas Press Club Thirty-five years after China's opening to the world, some of the key assumptions that have guided coverage are being tested by the presidency of Xi Jinping. This book is must reading for anyone involved in U. He has a very different vision of his country's future than the one often presented in some media accounts. The Greening of Asia Mark L. Clifford provides a behind-the-scenes look at what companies in China, India, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, South Korea, Singapore, and Thailand are doing to build businesses that will lessen the environmental impact of Asia's extraordinary economic growth.

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Dirty air, foul water, and hellishly overcrowded cities are threatening to choke the region's impressive prosperity. Recognizing a business opportunity in solving social problems, Asian businesses have developed innovative responses to the region's environmental crises. Companies have the money, the technology, and the people to act—yet, as Clifford emphasizes, support from the government in the form of more effective, market-friendly policies and the engagement of civil society are crucial for a region-wide shift to greener business practices.

Clifford paints detailed profiles of what some of these companies are doing and includes a unique appendix that encapsulates the environmental business practices of more than fifty companies mentioned in the book. Buried Ideas Sarah Allan The discovery of previously unknown philosophical texts from the Axial Age is revolutionizing our understanding of Chinese intellectual history.

Buried Ideas presents and discusses four texts found on brush-written slips of bamboo and their seemingly unprecedented political philosophy. Notably, these works evince an unusually meritocratic stance, and two even advocate abdication over hereditary succession as a political ideal.

In addition, she provides an introduction to Chu-script bamboo-slip manuscripts and the complex issues inherent in deciphering them. Based on these conversations, we create short videos of the Rian Thum argues that the roots of this history run deeper than recent conflicts, to a time when manuscripts and pilgrimage dominated understandings of the past. Beyond broadening our knowledge of tensions between the Uyghurs and the Chinese government, this meditation on the very concept of history probes the limits of human interaction with the past. Uyghur historical practice emerged from the circulation of books and people during the Qing Dynasty, when crowds of pilgrims listened to history readings at the tombs of Islamic saints.

Over time, amid long journeys and moving rituals, at oasis markets and desert shrines, ordinary readers adapted community-authored manuscripts to their own needs. In the process they created a window into a forgotten Islam, shaped by the veneration of local saints. Partly insulated from the rest of the Islamic world, the Uyghurs constructed a local history that is at once unique and assimilates elements of Semitic, Iranic, Turkic, and Indic traditions—the cultural imports of Silk Road travelers.

Through both ethnographic and historical analysis, The Sacred Routes of Uyghur History offers a new understanding of Uyghur historical practices, detailing the remarkable means by which this people reckons with its past and confronts its nationalist aspirations in the present day.

Chinese leaders talked of a future in which American money and technology would help lift China out of poverty. Mao Zedong himself held friendly meetings with U. Chinese Communist soldiers were setting ambushes for American marines in north China; Communist newspapers were portraying the United States as an implacable imperialist enemy; civil war in China was erupting. The pattern was set for a quarter century of almost total Sino-American mistrust, with the devastating wars in Korea and Vietnam among the consequences. Hurley, a decorated general and self-proclaimed cowboy; and Time journalist, Henry Luce, whose editorials helped turn the tide of American public opinion.

On the Chinese side, Bernstein reveals the ascendant Mao and his intractable counterpart, Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek; and the indispensable Zhou Enlai. A tour de force of narrative history, China examines the first episode in which American power and good intentions came face-to-face with a powerful Asian revolutionary movement, and challenges familiar assumptions about the origins of modern Sino-American relations. Hou Hsiao-hsien Richard I. Suchenski, Editor For younger critics and audiences, Taiwanese cinema enjoys a special status, comparable with that of Italian Neorealism and the French New Wave for earlier generations, a cinema that was and is in the midst of introducing an innovative sensibility and a fresh perspective.

Hou Hsiao-hsien is the most important Taiwanese filmmaker working today, and his sensuous, richly nuanced films reflect everything that is vigorous and genuine in contemporary film culture. By combining multiple forms of tradition with a uniquely cinematic approach to space and time, Hou has created a body of work that, through its stylistic originality and historical gravity, opens up new possibilities for the medium.

Suchenski, James Udden, and Wen Tien-hsiang, as well as conversations with Hou Hsiao-hsien and some of his most important collaborators over the decades. The book is filled with real-world stories of the foreign and domestic companies, leading brands, and top executives who have succeeded in selling to this burgeoning marketplace.

Introduction

This remarkable book also takes you inside the boardrooms of the people who understand Chinese consumers and have had success in the Chinese market. A hands-on resource for succeeding in the Chinese marketplaceFilled with real-world stories of companies who have made an impact in ChinaDiscover what the Chinese consumer wants and how to deliver the goodsThis book is an invaluable resource for anyone who wants a clear understanding of how China's Super Consumers are changing the world and how to sell to them.

But what makes this story of immigrant ascent unique is that Chinese Americans are emerging at just the same moment when China has emerged—and indeed may displace America—at the center of the global scene. What does it mean to be Chinese American in this moment? And how does exploring that question alter our notions of just what an American is and will be? In many ways, Chinese Americans today are exemplars of the American Dream: during a crowded century and a half, this community has gone from indentured servitude, second-class status and outright exclusion to economic and social integration and achievement.

But this narrative obscures too much: the Chinese Americans still left behind, the erosion of the American Dream in general, the emergence—perhaps—of a Chinese Dream, and how other Americans will look at their countrymen of Chinese descent if China and America ever become adversaries. As Chinese Americans reconcile competing beliefs about what constitutes success, virtue, power, and purpose, they hold a mirror up to their country in a time of deep flux.

In searching, often personal essays that range from the meaning of Confucius to the role of Chinese Americans in shaping how we read the Constitution to why he hates the hyphen in "Chinese-American," Eric Liu pieces together a sense of the Chinese American identity in these auspicious years for both countries. He considers his own public career in American media and government; his daughter's efforts to hold and release aspects of her Chinese inheritance; and the still-recent history that made anyone Chinese in America seem foreign and disloyal until proven otherwise.

Provocative, often playful but always thoughtful, Liu breaks down his vast subject into bite-sized chunks, along the way providing insights into universal matters: identity, nationalism, family, and more. Powerful Patriots Jessica Chen Weiss Why has the Chinese government sometimes allowed and sometimes repressed nationalist, anti-foreign protests? What have been the international consequences of these choices? Anti-American demonstrations were permitted in but repressed in during two crises in U.